E 440 .5 S5 MAIN SPEECHES HORATIO SEYMOUR, M V T THE CONVENTIONS [Ibany January 31, 1861, and September 10, 1862. ;>;.: : SPEECHES OIF1 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR, \\ J AT THE CONVENTIONS Held at Albany January 31, 1861, and September 10, 1862. t SPEECHES HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR At the Conventions held at Albany January 31, 1861, and September 10, 1862. GOV, SEYMOUR'S At the Convention held at Albany, January 3M 1861. Hon. HORATIO SEYMOUR appeared upon the stand, aud was received with loud and long continued applause. He said : It has been truly said by the President of this Convention that we do not meet for parti san purposes, although we are assembled in pursuance of a call issued by a political organi zation . There was no other mode by which we could act as a representative body. The people of the State are divided into two great parties, one of which gave at the late Presiden tial contest more than three hundred and fifty thousand, and the other more than three hun dred and ten thousand votes for their respec tive candidates. We have waited with patient expectation for some effort on the part of the responsible majority to avert the calamities which overhang our country. We have hailed with joy every indication of a desire on their part to meet the duties of their position. We have given a cordial approval to every patriotic expression coming from individuals of that par ty, whether uttered through his Journal by the able Republican leader of the State, by the distinguished Senator at Washington, or by a patriotic and intelligent Member of our Legis lature. The hopes excited by those expres sions have died away. Our country is on the verge of ruin, and now, in behalf of the great organization we represent and of those who, fcioca the late election, have joined our ranks, we meet to confront the dangers which menace us. I believe in oar resolutions we shall utter the sentiments of a vast majority of tbe people of New York- We shall rne above political purposes. We shall indulge in no reproac'neH — patriotic purposes in the past must ba shown by patriotic action now. The acts of this day will throw light upon onr motives in what we have done, aud will influence our conduct in the future. As I have been placed upon the committee which is to frame resolutions for your conside ration, I wish to state my views of the policy which should guide us and the sentiments we should put forth to the world. Three score and ten years, the period alloted for the lifo of man, have rolled away since George Washington was Inaugurated first Presi dent of tbe United States, in the city of New York. We were then among the feeblest peo ple cf the earth. The flag of Great Britain still waved over Oswego with insulting defiance of our national rights, and the treaty recognizing our independence. The powers of the world re garded us with indifference or treated us with contemptuous injustice. So swift has been our progress under the influence of our Union that but yesterday we could defy the world in arms, and none dared to insult our flag. When our Constitution was inaugurated the ntmost en thusiasm pervaded our land. Stern warriors who had fought the battles of the Revolution wept for joy. Glad processions of men and women marched with triumphal pride along the streets of our cities— holy men of God prayed in his Temples that the spirit of fra ternal love, which had shaped the compromises of th@ Constitution, might never fade away, and that sectional bigotry, hate and discord might never curse our land. Amid this wild enthusiasm there was no imagination so excited, nor piety with faith so strong that it foresaw the full influence of the event then celebrated. S.? «..-r'*Jrn of others thai1 to those against uK.^ is;g pragmatic aul. IH directed. The >_':*i t.i<.-uiai' buo}^t, of conirove/?y at this moment ID ;aw t-,>i'.'"ion&l quystkm. "Wju^n our ConstiPU',*.": v, -..:•:: foiuj.od, <aaa of 820,GHv square miles. Since that tWe >.' oai oet?n expanded by different ac- qoib't;:.)::.-; lo ,, ;e vast extent of 2,936,105 square miles. Tn.'fc expansion \vc.r, sot contemplated by tbd fra.iioie of or dary. Again, when she made a Claim on a part of the same Louisiana purchase on the northwest coast, we denu-d its justice, but yielded up to the jurisdiction of the crown 167 365 square miles of the most valuable part of the Pacific coast, including its finest harbors and greatest commercial facilities. We cave r.p aa aiea greater than New England, New York, Pennsylvania and Ne,v Jersey combined. Shall we yield to a forei -u aa!i >n and to a sys tem of government condemned by our Consti tution, what we will not concede to our own countrymen? Shall we, for the sake of psace, subject vast regions to principles of government antagonistic to our own, an i then destroy our Union by refusing a compromise which would give to the South the occupation of a less valu able territory in consideration of their giving up what they believe to bo their constitutional right to occupy the whole? la there any rea son why we should be less conciliatory now than we have been heretofore and are there not obvious ones why we should be more so, in view of our relative power? Did the men who now raise the cry of no compromise and no concession, hold that language when we had a controversy with the crown of Great Britain? Let ns look at the objections which' are urged to this policy It is said this question uas de cided at the late election. Questions of consti tutional law are not to be decided by elections; if they were, our Constitution would be worth less, and all its guarantees of the rights of States and of individuals, of rights of conscience and religious liberty, might be annihilated — Neither is it true th*t the late canvass shows that the popu'ar will is opposed to compromise. Mr. L'ncolu was made President by a consiitu tionai vote, and is entit'ed to our loyal and cheerful support, acd he shall have it ; but this is not the only result of the late congest. If ', wo millions of voters declared themselves in fivor of the principles put forth by his par ty, -three millions declared tbenose'ves opposed to them ; i*' the Republicans triumphed in the choice of the Executive, we triumphed in gain ing Congress, which tntkes the laws be is bound to carry out, without rn*Ard to his own views. If all parties 'will yi"!ld the nation al and dispusionnte position which was then claimed for him. We invoke the Republicans not to charge that he will be a tiaitor to his country by making a partisan creed, and not the solemn oath of his office, the guide of bis conduct. It is also said that the honor and dignity of our government will not permit measures of compromise at this moment. When the pres ent difficulty was only threatened, we were told, in answer to our appeals for aa adjustment, that there was no cause for alarm; that the South could not bo driven out of the Union; the time had not come for compromises; now* that six States have withdrawn, we are told it is too late, that the dignity of the government will not permit it to make concessions The error consists in confounding the action of a few States with the position of the whole South. — We admit that you cannot offer Constitutional compromises to States that declare themselves outside of the pale of the Constitution. Bat is the attitude of South Carolina to be urged against the appeals of patriotic men in Virgin ia? Are we to drive the Border States Into concert of action with those who defy tho power of your government? Are we to give an impulse to revolution by indifference to the appeals of patriotic men and by insulting threats of coercion , and' by irritating displays of power? Which causa was helped at the South by the tender of arms by our own State, —that of Union or that of Secession? All know that the future fate of our country de pends upon the action of the Border States, and while the beam trembles, New York throws its gword into the scale and inclines it in favor of revolution. This called from the conserva tive Governor of Virginia, the declaration that " nothing that has occurred in the progress of this controversy has been wor§e timed and less excusable If New York desires to preserve the Union a tender of men and money, under the promptings of passion, prejudice and ex citement, will not produce this result." We do not ask concessions for men in open resistence to government, but to those who ar> struggling for tho preservation of our Unior Shall we have no sympathy for those npo whom the whole weight of this contest fall? Can we listen, unmoved, to the entreaties < the Governor of Maryland, of the Senator • Kentucky, or refuse to second the patriot, efforts of Virginia? Can we so entirely for/; the past history of our country, that wa ci stand upon the poi-U, of pride agalo«t Stal* whosa cti.uans battled witL our fathers &r- poured ou; with them fch?ir blood upon tko it- • if our Stale, aruid tho Highlands of the ILw ;;'iui on the finlcb of Saratoga? I ask \'i cHi men within the sound.' of my voice, to wb 6 quarter did you look for sympathy during tbo > last war with Great Britain, w^en New Yorr./ was assailed upon the snui^ J- •,. '& aad Cm- tario, and when the disciplined troops, who had success! ally fought against Napoleon in the Peoinsuia, invaded us with co-operating fleets by tha channel of Lake Champlain? Was it not to the States of the South? Is it well that States whion then refused to allow their militia to pass tneir own borders to combat a common enemy, should be so prompt to tender them now to brftle egamst our own countrymen? But ic is urged, as a further objection, that at the instance of the South, we once compro mised thih territorial question, and that it has been untrue to the adjustment, although it was made at its own request, and against the wish es of the North. This inisstatement has been moat injurious in its influence upon the public mind. The Governor of New Yoik, in his late message, says, this State strenuously opposed the eatabiisfiuient of the compromise line of 1820. In this he is mistaken; it was voted for by every Northern Senator, and the only op position to this line came from the South. The N«w York Senators voted against the admis- ! won of Missouri, even after the passage of the act establishing the line at 30 degrees 30 minuios Tho establishment of this line was a Northern measure — every Northern man vot ing for it — the whole opposition to it is coming from the Suuth. It is true that after the amendment was engrafted on the bill, many Northern men voted against the act, but that was opposition to the admission of Missouri, and not to the line. The South was compelled to accede to it to secure the admission of Mis souri} but it always held it to be an infringe ment upon its rights. Even when this con cession was made to the North, the Senators from this and other Northern States, whose votes engrafted iu the bill what is called the compromise iiue, voted against the act. The South did not even gain by this concession the votes of Northern Senators, except two, one from Now Hampshire and one from Rhode Island. Mr. Lincoln admits that this opposi tion to the admision of Missouri was unjustifia ble, and that be was in favor of letting new States come into this Confederacy, with or without Slavery, as they might elect. In of fering to take this line, which gives to the North the largest share of the most valuable portion of our territories, io feels that it is meeting us more thin half way in its efforts for BUD it is said that a compromise of this con troversy will be a sacrifice of principle to which honest men cannot assent. Then the Constitu tion itseu cannot be supported by honust men, for it is based upon aud made up of compro mises. It is not proposed to make a new Con- stiiutiou, or to alter the terms of the exisiing one, all parties at the North and South alike claim that th«'y oaly demand their present rights undor that -nUrument; but owing to causes t<> wnieh J h-w: referred, an antagonism springs up la regard to iis construction, and tbis must be settled by ;orce or by adjustment. Let rs take care that we do not mistake passion and prejudice and partizan purposes for princi ple. Tne cry of no comprom.se is false in morals, it is treason to the spirit of the Consti tution; it is infidelity in religion, the cross itself is a compromise and is pleaded by many who refuse all cbarity to their fellow citizens. It is the vital principle of social existence, it unites the family circle; it sustains the church, and upholds nationalises. But the Republicans complain that having won a victory, we ask them to surrender its fruits. We do not wish them to give up any political advantage. We urge measures which are demanded by the honor and the safety of our Union. Can it be that they are less con cerned than we are? Will they admit that they have interests antagonistic to those of the whole commonwealth? Are they making sac rifices, when they do that which is required by the common welfare? The objects of this Convention are, to assure the conservative men of the South that they have at least the sympathy of 312 000 electors of New York in the" contest in which they are engaged, and to keep the Border States in the Union, and thus ultimately restore its integrity. But we have another purpose. This is not the time for the exhibition of party spirit. Wo propose to bury party differences ; we seek to restore the moral power of New York, so that it may now, as in times past, ba the theatre upon which the cause of our country shall triumph. To do this we must have unity of action — all must agree to submit to some tribu nal. The present difficulties have sprung into existence since the last popular election ; they have taken this whole community by surprise, and conflicting views are held with regard to the proper line of action. To secure this union of purpose, for one, I am in favor of making an appeal to the Republicans and to the Legis lature of this State, to submit the proposition of Senator Crittenden to the vote of the people of New York ; if it is approved, then we will exert ourselves to secure an adjustment upon that basis ; if, upon the other hand, it is re jected, then we shall know that the people of this State are opposed to the policy of com promise and conciliation. I do not fear the re sult. But if it is, unhappily, true that the ultra Republicans represent the people of the State, then are the davs of the Republic numbered. — Then the future is dark and uncertain. We may have not only one but many Con federacies. Before we are involved in the evils and horrors of domestic war, l«t those upon whom it will bring ba^ruptcy and ruin, and into whose homes it may carry desolation and death, be allowed to speak in favor of the policy of peace If the Legislature do not, it will be because they dare no& let the popular senti ment be uttered. If the public voice is heard, all will yield to its decisions and we shall be united ia action. In thedownfal1 of our nation aud amidst its crumbling ruins we will cliog to the fortunes of New York. We will stand to gether and so shape the future that its glory, and greatness, and wo&derful advantages shall not be sacrificed to rival ia'erests. "We will loyally follow its fhg through the g'oom and perils of the future , and io the saddest hour ther^ will remain a gleaai of hope, aai we can still hail with pride the motto emblazoned on its shield, EXCELSIOR! SPEECH OF Hon. Horatio Seymour, BEFORE THE DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION,, AT ALBANY, September 1O, 1862, ON RECEIVING THE NOMINATION FOR GOVERNOR. Mr. President, having uniformly and deci dedly expressed my unwillingness to hold any official position at this time, I did not expect my name would be brought before this Conven tion. The nomination you have made subjects me to. great inconvenience, whatever may be the result of this election. I came to this Con vention expecting to aid in placing at the head of the ticket the name of one whom I feel to bo more fit than myself for that honorable posi tion. But. sir, whatever may be the injury to myself, I cannot refuse a nomination made in a manner that touches my heart and fills me with a still stronger sense of my obligations to this great and patriotic party. In addition to my debt of gratitude to partial friends, I am im pelled by the condition of our country, to sacri- flee my personal wishes and interests to its good Two years have not passed away since a Don* vention, remarkable for its numbers, patriotism and intelligence, assembled at this place to avert if possible the calamities which alii ct our people. In respectful terms, it implored the leaders of the political party which had tri umphed at a recent e'ection to submit to the people of this country some measure of concilia tion which would save them from civil war. It asked that before we should be involved in the evils and horrors of domestic bloodshed, thoge upon whom it would bring bankruptcy and ruin, and into whose homes it would carry desolation and death, should be allowed to apeak. That prayer for the rights of our peo ple was derided and denounced, and false as surances were given that there was no danger. The storm came upon us with all its fury— and the war so constantly and clearly foretold, desolated our land. It is said no compromises would have satisfied the South. If we had tried them it would not now be a matter of discordant opinion. If these offers had not satisfied the South, they would have gratified loyal men at the North, and would have united ua more perfectly. Animated by devotion to our Constitution and Union our people rallied to the support of Gov ernment, and one year since shewed an armed strength that astonished the world. "We again appealed to those who wielded this mighty material power, to use it for the restoration of the Union and to uphold the Constitution, and were told that he who clamored for his Consti tutional rights was a traitor! Congress assembled, laexperienced in the conduct of public affairs, drunk with power, it began its course of agitation, outrage and wrong. The def at of our arms at Manassas. for a time filled it with terror. Under this influence it adopted the resolution of Mr. Crittenden, de claring, "Thai the present deplorable Civil War has been forc- "ed upon the C'turrry by the UiisunioiiUts oftue Southern "Stales, now in arms against tlie Constitutional Govern- "menl, ami in aim* aiouud Hie Capital; Tnat in tins Na- "iionirip s From tnis scene of patriotic de- vouuu 1 wont into our National Capitol. 1 tra versed its iHoSiiie pavements; I gajjed upon its wails of polished uiaroie; 1 saw upon its ceil- iugs all that wealth, lavishly pou ed out, could do o make them sug estive of our country's gieatu as aud its wonderful wealth of varied productions Att had exhausted itself in paint- mgiiud sculpture to make every aspect sugges tive of high and noble thought and purpose. Fullof the associations which cluster about this vast Temple wntcn should be dedicaded to pa triotism and truth; i entered its Legislative Halls; their gilded walls and gorgeous furni ture did not contrast more strongly with the rude scenes of martial lire than did tha glisten ing putrescence and thin lacquer of Congress ional virtue contrast with the sterling loyalty and noble self-s&cridca of our country's de fenders, i listened to debates full of bitterness and strife. I saw in the camp a heartfelt homage to our national flag — a stern dedance of those who dared to touch its sacred fold with hostile hands. I heard in the Capitol threats of mu tilation of its emblazonry — by striking down the life of States. He who would rend our National standard by dividing our Union is a Tra.tor. He who would put out one glittering star from its azure field, is a Traitor too. THE PRESENT CONDITION OF OUR COUNTRY. Let us now confront the facts of our condi tion, and they shall be stated in the language of those who brought this administration into powor, and who now are politically opposed to the members of this Convention. Afier the ex penditure of nearly one thousand millions of dollars, and the sacrifice of more than one hundred thousand Northern lives in the lan guage of the Evening Pott: What has been the result ? Our armies of the We*!, ihe noDle victors of K"rl Uuiielson anil Suiloh, are scat- t- red *o that no man kno*s their whereabout, while the foe the • were sent to disperse is a hundred miles in Uieir reur, threatening the citiei of Tennessee and Kentucky, ai d even advancing toward one of the principal com mercial cities ol ihe Free Stales. There is no leader ship, no amiy of com ~and, apparently no plan or con cert, of action in the enure region we nave undertaken to holt, and defend Al the same time, our army of tlie Ea«i, numbering *25(i,(MH) thousand troops, fuliy armed and equipped and admirably disciplined, after investing the Capital of tiie enemy, lias been driven back to it* ong mil position on ihe Hoiomac, decimated in numbers and unprepared to maice a single vigorous movement in «id aiice. And if adds: — Now it is useless to shut our eyes to the fnct that this is a failure, disgraceful, humiliating and awful. Tho Evening Journal, the accredited organ of f,he Secretary of State, now admits the truths ut'ervd in this Hall when we assembled her© in February, 1851 ; truths thon derided and de nounced as absurd aud treasonable. It says: The War lias been a stern schoolmaster to the People of ihe Loy»i Slates. We have learned the folly of un- df-Traiiiig our enemies We have learned that they are ly brave, equally hardy, equally quickwitted, equally end ve pushing ii>< \. iheir fo ces all along the b irdrr hue from rue Alia 10 the Missouri Th>!y are threatening '.lie Poi-jin • the Ohio. They are sinking at Washington, Cm-- itn i i aivl Louisville. This simultaneous movemen i* Win alarming and encouraging. It is alarming t>e<-ftuliy of the r-Vii- eral Government, it may liecorrie temporarily j,ucfe«» ; giving to the foe a lodgment in some portion of the r'ree States which may require weeks 10 break up " Bat it is admitted by those who were oppose!' to us, that debt and defeat are not the ht a- calamities which weigh us down. A virti people and a pure government can bear up. against any amount of outward pressure or physical calamity, but when lotteuoess and corruption pervade the legislative nail or ex ecutive department the heart of the patriot faints and his arm withers. The organ of the Secretary of State admits: "There have been mistakes. There have been specu lation. Weak men h i ed on fat jobs. Adveniur rs have found the war a source of private gam. Alo-al desporadoes have flocked about the Na'ional Capnal and lain in wait for prry. The scum of the land lias gathered about ihe soun e* of pow er a:id deli.ed them by its reek «nd oliensive odor — There has bt-en mi- manage meju in the depart mems IIH*- ni.tii igement wherever great labor has been pe< fornie.1 and great > e«pon*ii>ilmes devolving Men— even Presi dents anil Cai)inet officers and ' ' •mmfiii'Ji'ig Ge e' ai< — have erred because they could not «ra p the full pigiuli- caiice of Hie drama, and because they were compelled to strike out on untrodden pains." — Eve. Journal. Hear the voice of a leading Republican ora tor : " I declare it upon my respon?ibili*y as a Senator of the United 8latf s," said John P II a e, " tin.' the liberties of th s country are in greater d n^t-r >o-day from tue cor ruption* and from the^proHigacy practiced in the va KIU^ departments of the Government than they are from the open enemy in Ihe field." The New York World exclaims in an agony of remoree: It is with dismay and unsneakable shame ihat we, who have supported ih«j administration frmn Uie oesjmiiuj^, observe is aou-;e of us power of arrest. 'There w no such tiling as either justifying or extenuating its <:< n- duct in this p rucular. Kvcry prmeip e of Amei (run jlieriy eV'-ry regard for me loyal c>tiise every scnii- meiil of justice, every impulse of manhood, c n-^ mil Hgainst it. Tue mnn who thinks at nil is abvilu ^-,> staggered ih-t these things can be. Tney seein hue >ome hideous dream. One can alntosi fai.jy iinl Mephis opniies himself had got access nau lac coancus of the governmeni, and by so ne device. Irssn iiomu-e pn, liaU diverted iis ener^ ie* from liie ropre^sioii ol ic- Uelliou to the suppression of iibrrty. The New York Times demon's a ch'i "--re ia the Administration, and in the cuuUnci of atfairs. I have thus carefully set forth t.L*» f1'1- clarations and named the witnesses to this awful indictment, against our rulerM, f ? If we elect all of our ticket at this time, we fhall have no more than our proportional share of oolitical* power It may be said we should meet without regard to political organize ions, and nominate officers . This destroys the object of such organizations. They would ci^ase. to be protections against, abuses of power or the inroads of corruption. Lot the two great parties be honost and honor able euough to meet in fair and opnn discussion with well defined principles and policies. Then each will serve our country as \v«H out of power as in power The vigilance kept alive by party contest guards against corruption or oppression This watchfulness is most needed when unusual expenditures of money present unusual temp tations to the corrupt and seUi.sh. F-»r another reason we caaaot disband our organization. The Union men of itn Border and m>re Southern States, without distinction of p^rty, hcploio us not to do BO. They tell as a triumph of our party now would be worth more than victories upon the battle tieid It would re assure their frieuds. it would weaken their opponents. Every advantage ga;aod over abolitionism puts down the rebellion. While they and we know there are manv just and pa triotic men in the Republican party, ir, is still true that its success gives power and influence to the violent and fanatical, and that their par ty action always goes beyond their party plat form. Every fair man admits there is no way of correcting abuses but by a change of political leaders. The Republ-caa party demanded this when they charged abases upon Democratic administration. They should concede the principle now. Experience shows that frauds practiced by political frieuds are not punished by men in power. It is conceded that gross frauds have been committed in different departments of gov ernment; that they have brought distress upon our soldiers, defeat upon our arms and disgrace upon our people. But not one man has been pun ished, or made to feel the power of ihat, preroga tive which is claimed to be an incident of war. Corruption that has done mora to destroy the National power than armed rebellion, has gone unscathed. The Sentinel who slept upon h:s post, has been sentenced to death — the official who closed his eyes to frauds, which destroyed armies, is quietly removed, by and with the advice of the St n te and represents the Nation's character at the Capital of a friend ly power! Citizens in loyal States who became the objects of suspicion or of malignant as saults, have been seized at their homes, drag ged to distant prisons without trial and with out redress, while each convicted plunderer walks freely and boldly among the people he has robbed and wronged Maladmimstratioa demands change of administration. At this time issues should ba fairly and bold ly made. It i.s no1 dishonor to be mistaken, bur is disgraceful not to be outspoken. Let this war at least settle questions of principle. A few months will decide who is right and who is wrong now, as the past two years have shown who were right and who were wroug heretofore. We are in favor of the rights of the Slate, aa well as of the General Government ; we are in favor of local self-government, as well asot the National jurisdiction within its proper sphere. While we thus meet as a political organiza tion it is not for partisan purposes. We caa beat serve our country in this relationship. The President of the United States will bear witness that he has not been pressed or em barrassed by us. We have loyally responded to every call made on us by constituted authority. We have obeyed all orders to reinforce our armies. When we were in power we denounced the higher lawdoct-rine — the principle that men might set up their wills against the statutes of the land — as treasonable. We denounced it when uttered by Northern men; we are com batting it now when it is asserted by the rebel lious South. We repudiate it by submitting to demand of our Government made wit-hia- 10 the limits of rightful jurisdiction. Thi*' obedi ence has not been constrained, but cheerfully ren dered, even in support of a party and policy to which we are opposed. We have struggled to sustain not only the letter but the spirit of our laws. We feel that we have set an example of loyalty that will not be lost upon upon those opposed to us. Having done our duiy, we DOW demand our rights, and we shall at this time set in calm and fearless judgment upon the conduct of our rulers. Ours shall not be the language of discord and violence. We de plore the passionate and vindictive assaults of leading Republican journals upon those hold ing civil or military stations. Above all we protest in behalf of our country's honor and dignity, against their insubordinate and disre spectful language towards the President of these United States. Such language wrecks the authority of Government and tends to anarchy and public. disorder. For another reason, we cannot disband our organization, No other party can save this country. It alone has clearly defined purposes and well settled principles. It has been well said in our Congressional Address, that under its guidance, From five millions, the population increased to thirty millions. Tlie Revolut onary debt was extinguished. — Two foreign wars were successfully prosecuted, with a moderate outlay a>id smail army and navy, and without the suspension of the habeas corpu«; without one infrac tion of the Constitution; Without one usurpation of powe*-; without suppressing a single newspaper; without impris- onin • a sins' le editor; wiliioul limit to the freedom 01 the press; o- of speech in or out of Congress, but in the midst of the grossest auuse of both ; and without the arrest of a single •' traitor," though the Hartford Convention sat oui ing one of Hie wars, t^nd in the other Senators invited the fciiwiny to u Greet our Volunteers with bloody hands and welcome them to Hospitable Graves"! During ail thu tin;e wealth increased, business of all kinds multiplied, prosperity smiled on every side, taxes were low, wages were high, the North and the South furnished a market for each other's prouucls at good prices, publ.c liberty was secure, private rights undis turbed; every man's house was his castle; the Courts were open to all ; no passports for travel, no secret po lice, no sp es, no informers, no bastiles; the right to as semble peaceably, the right to petition; freedom of reli gion, freedom of speech, a fret ballot, and a free press; and all this time ihe Constitution maintained and the Union of the States preserved. •WHY THE REPUBLICAN PARTY CANNOT SAVE THE COUNTRY. On the other hand, the vary character of the Republican organizations, makes it incapable of conducting the affairs of the Government. For a series of years, it has practiced a system of coalitions, with men differing in principle, until it can have no distinctive policy. In such chaotic masses, the violent have most control. They have been educating their followers for years, through the press, not to obey laws which did not accord with their views. How can they demand submission from whole communi ties, while they contend that individuals may op pose laws opposed to their consciences? They are higher law men. They insist that the contest., in which we are engaged, is an irrepressible one and that therefore the South could not avoid it, unless they were willing at the outset to sur render all that abolitionists demanded. To declare .that this contest is irrepressible, de- clares that our Fathers formed a government, J which could not stand. Are such men, the proper guardians of this government ? Have not their speeches and acts given strengtn to the rebellion, and have they not also enabled its leaders to prove to their deluded followers, that the contest was an irrepressible one ? But their leaders have not only asserted that this contest was irrepressible, unless the South would give up what extreme Republican de mand, (their local institutions,) but those in power have done much to justify this rebellion in the eyes of the world. The guilt of rebellion is determined by the character of the govern ment against which it is arrayed. The right of revolution, in the language of President Lin coln, is a sacred right when exerted against a bad government. We charge that this rebellion is most wicked because it is against the best Government that ever existed. It is the excellence of our Gov ernment that makes resistance a crime. Re bellion is not necessarily wrong. It may be an act of the highest virtue — it may be one of the deepest depravity. The rebellion of our Fa thers is our proudest boast — the rebellion of our Er&thers is the humiliation of our Nation is our National disgrace. To resist a bad Gov ernment is patriotism — to resist a good one is the greatest guilt. The first is patriotism, the last is treason. Legal tribunals can only regard resistance of laws, as a crime but in the forum of public sentiment the character of the Gov ernment will decide if the act is treason or patriotism. Our Government and its administration are different things; but in the eyes of the civilized world, abuses, weakness or folly in the con duct of affairs go far to justify resistance. — I have read to you the testimony of Messrs. Greely, Weed, Bryant, Raymond and Marble, charging fraud, corruption, outrage and in- competency upon those in power. Those who stand up to testify to the incompetency of these representatives of a disoordant party to conduct the affairs of our Government are politically opposed to us. Bear in mind that the embarrass ments of President Lincoln grows out of the con flicting views of his political friends, and their iiabits and principles of insubordination. His hands would be strengthened by a Democratic victory, and if his private prayers are answered we will relieve him from the pressure of phi- antrophists who thirst for blood, and who call for the extermination of the men, women and children of the South. The brutal a.nd bloody language of partisan editors and political preachers have lost us the sympathy of the civilized world in a contest where all mankind should be upon one side. Turning to the Legislative Departments of our government, what do we see? In the his tory of the decline and fall of Nations, there are no more striking displays of madness and folly. The assemblage of Congress throws gloom over the Na ion; its continuance in session is more disastrous than defeat upon the battle field. It excites alike alarm and disgust. The public are disappointed in the results of 11 the war. This is owing to the differing objects of the people on the one band, and of the faoat- ical agitators io and oat of Coogress on the ether. In the army, the Union men of the North and South battle side by side, under one flag, to put down rebellion and uphold the Union and Con stitution, lu Congress a fanatical majority make war on the Union men of the Souih and strength en the hands of Secessionists by words and acts winch enable them to keep alive the flames of civil war. What is done on the battle field by the blood and treasure of the people, is undone by Senators. Half of the time is spent in fac tious measures designed to destroy all confi dence in the government at the South, and the rest in annoyiug our army, in meddling with its operations, embarrassing our generals and in publishing undigested and unfounded scandal. One party is seeking to bring about peace, the other to keep alive hatred and bitterness by in terferences. They prove the wisdom of Solo mon, when he said: " It is an honor to a man to cease from strife, but every fool will be med dling » This war cannot be brought to a successful conc4usion or onr country restored to an honor able peace under the Republican leaders for another reason. Our disasters are mainly due to the fact that they have not dared to tell the truth to the community. A system of misre presentation had been practiced so long and so euccessfully that when the war burst upon us they feared to let the people know its full pro portions, and they persisted in assuring their friends it was but a passing excitement. They still asserted that the South was unable to maintain and carry on a war. They denounced as a traitor every man who tried to tell the truth and to warn our people of the magnitude of the contest. Now, my Republican friends, you kaow that the misapprehensions of the North with regard to the South has drenched the land with blood. Was this ignorance accidental* I appeal to you Republicans, if for years past, through the press and in publications which have been urged upon your attention by the leaders of your par ty, you have not been taught to despise the power and resources of the South? I appeal to you to say if this teaching has not been a part of the machinery by which power has been gained? I appeal to you to answer if those who tried to teach truths now admittted have not been denounced? I appeal to you if a book, boyond all others, false, bloody aad treasonable, was not sent out with the endorsement of all your managers; and is it not true that now, when men blush to own they believed its statements , that its author is honored by an official station? It is now freely confessed by you all, that you have been deceived with respect to the South Who deceived you? Who, by false teachings, in stilled contempt and hate into the minds of our people? Who stained our land with blood? Who caused ruin and distress? All these things are within your own knowledge. — Are their authors the leaders to rescue us from our calamities? They shrink back appalled from the mischief they have wrought, and tell you it is an irrepressible contest. That reason is as good for Jfetferson Davis as for them. They attempt to drown reflections by new excite ments and new appeals to our passions. Hav ing already, in legislation, gone far beyond the limits at which, by their resolutions, they were pledged to stop, they now ask to adopt mea sures which they have heretofore denounced as unjust and unconstitutional. For this leason they cannot save our country. As our national calamities thicken upon us an attempt is made by their authors to avoid their responsibilities by insisting that our failures are due to the fact that their measures are not carried out, although Government has already gone far beyond its pledges. The de- rnauds of these man will never cease, simply because they hope to save themselves from con • demnation by having unsatisfied demands At the last Session Congress not only abolished slavery in the District of Columbia, but, to quiet clamorous men, an act of* Confiscation and Emancipation was passed, which, in the opinion of leading Republicans, was unconsti tutional and unjust. By this act the rebels have no property — not even their o'wn lives — and they own no slaves. Bat to the astonishment and disgust of those who believe in the policy of statutes and proclamations, the.°e rebels still live and fight and hold their si ves. These measures seem to have reanimated them. They have a careless and reckless way of appropr^- ating their lives and property, which by act of Congress belong to us, iu support of their cause. But these fanatical men have learned that it is necessary to win a victory before they di vide the spoil — and what do they now propose? As they cannot take the property of rebels beyond their reach they will take the property of the loyal men of the Border States. The violent men of this party as you know from ex perience, my conservative Republican friend, in the end have their way. They now demand that the President shall issue a Proclamation of immediate and universal emancipation ? Against whom is this to be directed ? Not against those in rebellion for they came within the scope of the act of Congress. It can only be applied to those who have been true to our Uuiou and our Flag. They are to be pun ished for their loyalty. When we consider their sufferings and their cruel wrongs at the hands of the secessionists, their reliance upon our faith, is not this proposal black with ingrati tude? , The scheme for an immediate emancipation and general arming of the slaves throughout the South is a proposal for the butchery of women and children, for scenes of lust and rapine; of arsan and murder unparalelled in the history of the world. The horrors of the French Revolution would become tame in comparison. Its effect would not be confined to the walls of cities, but there would be a wide sprea\d scene of horror over the vast, expanse of great States, involving alike the loyal and seditious. Such malignity and cowardice would 12 invoke the interferfnce of civilized Europe. History tells of the fires kindled in the name of religion, of atrocities committed under pr-. texts of order or liberty; but it is now urged that scenes bloodier than the world has yet seen shall be enacted in the name of philanthrophy! A proclamation of general and armed eman cipation at this time, would be a cruel wrong to the African. It is now officially declared in Presidential addresses, which are fortified by Cougressi >nal action, that the negro cannot live in the enjoyment of the full privileges of life among the white race. It is now admitted, after our loss of infinite blood and treasure, that the great problem we have to settle is not the slavery, but the negro question. A terrible question, not springing from statutes or usages, but growing out of the unchang&ble distinction of race. It is discovered at this late day, in Republican Illinois, that it is right to drive him from its soil. It is disco\ered by a Republican C >cgress, after convu'sing our country with de clarations in favor of his equal rights, and as serting that he was merely the victim of unjust laws, that he should be sent away from our land. The issue is now changed. The South holds that the African is fit to live here as a slave. Our Republican Government denies that he is fit to live here at all. The Republican party cannot save the coun try, because through its powerful Press it teaches contempt for the Laws, Constitution aud constituted authorities. They are not only destroying tha Union, but they are shaking and weakeuiug the whole structures of State as well as of the National Government, by denuncia tions of every law and of all authority that stand in the way of their passions or their pur poses. They have not only carried discord into our churches and legislative halls, but into our armies. Every General who agrees with them upon the sutyect of Slavery is upheld in every act of insubordination and sustained against the clearest proofs of incompetence, if not of corruption. On the other hand, every Com mander who differs from thbir views upon the single poiot of Slavery, is denounced, not only for incompetency, but constantly depreciated in every act. No man is allowed to be a Chris tian; no man is regarded as a Statesman; no man is suliered unmolested to do his duty as a Soldier unless he supports measures which no oue dared to urge eighteen months since. They iusist that martial law is superior to constitu- tiuna Uw, th it the wiils of Generals in the field a e ab >ve nil rrstr&iuts; buc they detnauci fur themselves the right to direct and control these Geuera s. They ciaim an influence higher than tnoy will allow to the laws of the land. Are these displays of insuborbiaation and violence safe al this time? The weight of annual taxation will test se verely the loyalty of the people of the North. Repudiation of our financial obligations would cause disorder and endless moral evils. Pecu niary rights will never be held more sacred than personal rights Repudiation of the Constitu tion involves- repudiation of National debts, of its guaranties of rights of property, of person, and of conscience* The moment we show the world that we do not hold the Constitution to be a sacred compact, we not only destroy all sense of security, but we turn away from our shores the vast tide of foreign immigration. It comes here now not because there are not other skies as bright and other lands as pro ductive as ours. It seeks here security for freedom — for rights of conscience — for immu nity from tyranical interferences, and from, meddling impertinence. The home and fireside rights heretofore enjoyed by the American, people — enjoyed under protection of written Constitution, have made us great and prosper ous. I entreat you again, touch them not with sacrilegeous hands! We are threatened with the breaking np of our social system, with the overthrow of State and National Governments, If we begin a war upon the compromises of the Constitution we must go through with it. It contains many restraints upon our natural rights. It may be asked by what right do the six small New England States, with a population less than that of New York, have six times its power in the Senato, which has become the con- troling branch of government? By what natu ral right do these States with their small uni ted populations and limited territories balance the power of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana and Michigan? The vast debt growing out of this war will give rise to new and angry discussions. It will be held almost exclusively in a few Atlantic States. Look upon the map of the Union aud see how small is the territory in which it will be owned. We are to be divided into creditor and debtor States, and the last will have a vast preponderance of power and strength . Unfortunately there is no taxation upon this national debt and its share is thrown off upon other property. It is held where many of the government contracts have been executed, and where in some in stances, gross frauds, have been practiced. It is held largely where the Constitution gives a dispropoitional share of political power. With all these elements of discord, is it wise to assail constitutional law, or bring authority into con tempt. Is it safe to encourage the formation of irresponsible commit'ees, made up of imperti nent men, who thrust themselves into the con duct of public affairs and try to dictate to legal rulers? or will you tolerate the enrollment of armies which are not constituted or organized by proper authorities ? Are such things just towards those who have placed their fortunes iu the hands of the government, at this crisis? We implore you do not be deceived again with tb;s Syren song of no danger. There is danger, great and imminent,, of the destruction of all government, of safety for life and property. unless the duty of obedience ro law and respect for authorities aud the honest support of those in the public service both military and civil, ara taught and enforced, by all means within our control. With us there is no excuse for revolutionary action. Our system of government give peace ful remedies for all evils in legislation. 13 WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC PART? PROPOSE TO DO. ' Mr. President : It will be asked what do we propose to do We mean, with all our powers of mind and person to support the Con stitution and uphold the Union; to maintain tho laws, to preserve the public faith. We iasist upon obedience to laws and respect for Constitutional authority; we will defend the rights of citizens; we mean that rulers and sub jects shall respect the laws; we will put down all revolutionary committees; we will resist all unauthorized organizations of armed men; we will spurn officious meddlers who are impudently pushing themselves into the councils of our Government Politically opposed to those in authority, we demand they shall be treated with the respect due to their positions as the repre sentatives of the dignity and honor of the American people. We do not try to save our country by abandoning its government. In these times of trial and danger we cling more closely to the great principles of civil and reli gious liberty and of personal right; we will man the defences and barriers which the Constitu tion throws around them; we will revive the courage and strengthen the arms of loyal men by showing them they have a living government about which to rally; we will proclaim amidst the confusion and uproar of civil war, with louder tones and firmer voices the great max ims and principles of civil liberfy, order and obedience What has perpetuated the great ness of that nation from which we derive so many of our maxims? Not its victories upon land nor its triumphs upon the seas, but its firm adherence to its traditional policy. The words of Coke, of Camden and Mansfield, have for long periods of time given strength and vital ity and hoior to its social system, while battles have lost their significance When England was agitated by the throes of violence — when the person of the King was insulted; when Parliament was besieged by mobs mad dened by bigotry; when the life of Lord Mans field was sought by infuriated fanatics, and his bouse was burned by incendiary tires then he mttered those words which checked at once unlawful power and lawless violence. He de clared that every citizen was entitled to his rights according to the known procedures of the land. He showed to the world the calm and awi'ul majesty of the law, unshaken amidst convulsions. Self reliant in its strength and purity, it was driven to DO acts which destroy the spirit of law. Violence was rebuked, the heart of the nation was reassured, a sense of security grew up. and the storm was stilled Listen to his word: Miserable is the condition of individual?; dangerous is the condition of the State where there is no certain law, or what is the same thing, no certain administration of law by which individuals mav be orotected aud the State made secuxe. Thus, too, will we stand calmly up admidst present disasters. We have warned the public that every act of disobedience weakened their claims to protection. We have admonished our rulers that every violation of right de stroyed sentiments of loyalty and duty. That obedience and protection were reciprocal ob ligations. He who withholds his earnest and cheerful support to any legal demand of bis Government, invites oppression and usur pation on the part of those in authority. The public servant who oversteps his jurisdiction or tramples upon the rights, person, property or procedure of the governed, instigates resistance and revolt. Under abuse and detraction we have faith fully acted upon these precepts. If our pur poses were factious, the elements of disorder are everywhere within our reach. If we were as disobedient to this Government and as de nunciatory of its officials as those who placed them in power, we could make them tremble in their seats of power. We have been obedient, loyal and patient. We shall continue to be so under all circumstances. But let no man mis take this devotion to our country and its Con stitution for unworthy fear. We have no greater stake in good order than other men. — Our arms are as strong, our endurance as great, our fortitude as unwavering as that of our political opponents. But we seek the blessings of peace, of law, of order. We ask the public to mark our policy and our position. Opposed to the election of Mr. Lincoln, we have loyally sustained him. Differing from the Administra tion as to the course and the conduct of the war, we have cheerfully responded to every demand made upon us. To-day we are putting forth oar utmost efforts to reinforce our armies in the field. Without conditions or threats we are exerting our energies to strengthen the hands of government and to replace it in the commanding position it held in the eyes of the world before recent disasters. Wo are pouring out our blood, our treasures, and our men, to rescue it from a position in which it cau neither propose peace nor conduct successful war. And this support is freely and generously accorded. We wish to see our Union saved, our laws vin dicated, and peace once more restored to our land. We do not claim more virtue or intelli- gance than we award to our opponents, but we now have the sad and bloody , proof that v/e act upon sounder principles of government. Anni- mated by the motto we have placed upon our banner — •' The Union, the Constitution and the Laws" — we go into the political contest con fident of the support of a People who cannot be deaf or blind to the teachings of the latt two vears. THE NEW-YORK WEEKLY ARGUS To Restore the Union and Maintain the Constitution. For years the Democratic and Conservative sentiment of the Nation has been keenly alive to th« necessity of being faithfully and ably represented by a rirst class Newspaper, published in the Citj of New York, sustaining the same relation to it as does the New York Tribune to Abolitionism anc all kinds of .Radicalism. The undersigned, from their connexion with the Albany ATLAS & ARGUS — one of the oldest anc best known Democratic papers in the Union— had been constantly urged to respond to this demand, and finally yielded to the wishes of their political friends, and transierred the publication of theii Weekly to the city of New York, and issued it under the name of MEW YORK WEEKLY AUGUS. The experiment has met with complete success, We are grateful to the friends of sound politica: principles', who have enabled us in a few months, to establish on a paying basis, a first class Ntu York Weekly Ptiper. We have every where met with cordial co-operation, and Clubs of subscribers, from all parts of the country, .are being rapidly added to our list. The friends of the NEW YORK WEEKLY ARGUS may boldly challenge comparison of it with any other New York Weekly — both as to typographical appearance and the contents of its pages, lliey already insist, and we intend to make good their claim, that it is the No labor or expense will be spared to make a' paper of which Democrats and Conservative men will be proud. The responsible Editors are CALVERT COMSTOCK, WILLIAM CASSIDY & EL01ST COMSTOCK, With ample additional and special assistance in the several departments of the paper. To sustain such a paper and enable.it to influence the political sentiment of the Nation, an ample subscription list is necessary. Ours has already, in nine njpaths, re/id-ie^" Thirty Thousand, and we appeal to those, whose opinions the paper represents, to give it One Hundred Thousand Subscribers, During the present year. This can be easily done by a general effort — as the paper is afforded to Clubs at the low price of One Dollar a Year. Shall it be done? We leave the answer to those who wish the success of such a paper. T IE2 H. SMC JSs Single Subscriptions per annum ... $3 oo Three Copies one year - - - - - 5 OO Eight do do - - - - - 1O OO Additional Copies $1.2O each. Twenty Copies, to one address, ... - 2O OO With an extra copy to the person sending the Club of twenty. To any person sending a Club of 100 we will send the Albany DAILY ATLAS & AEGUS one year gratis. Payable always^ in advance. Letters, whether containing remittances or otherwise, flibxild be addressed to the undersigned, C011NEE, OS BltOADWAY AND PAKK PLACE, (opposite City Hall Paik,) NEW YOEK. COMSTOCK & CASSIDY, Proprietors.